JOURNAL OF A COMPULSIVE READER
By Charles Matthews
Showing posts with label Benjamin Franklin. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Benjamin Franklin. Show all posts

Tuesday, September 28, 2010

5. The Age of Wonder, by Richard Holmes, pp. 114-143

The Age of Wonder: The Romantic Generation and the Discovery of the Beauty and Terror of Science (Vintage)Herschel on the Moon, 8; Balloonists in Heaven, 1-6
_____
Herschel and his brother Alexander became telescope manufacturers, starting with the five seven-foot reflectors they made for George III as royal gifts. Mirror-making remained hand-crafted, but in the course of a decade they turned out 200 mirrors for the seven-foot telescopes, 150 for the ten-foot, and eighty for the twenty-five-foot telescopes. Their customers were wealthy, and included German princes as well as Napoleon Bonaparte's brother Lucien, the Emperor of Austria, and the King of Spain, who commissioned one for the Madrid Observatory in 1806 that cost £3,500.

Herschel's celebrity attracted visitors to the observatory at Datchet. Samuel Johnson urged Susannah Thrale to visit: "What he has to show is indeed a long way off, and perhaps concerns us little, but all truth is valuable and all knowledge pleasing in its first effects, and may subsequently be useful."

Despite visitors and manufacturing orders, he continued his observations, developing a technique of "sweeping" the sky that consisted of moving "slowly up and down, while the constellations turned through the field of observation as the stars moved steadily across the night sky." It was a highly accurate technique that was also very slow: "A complete sweep could take several years to complete." Herschel's familiarity with the sky, which he could read "like a skilled musician sight-reading a musical score," helped him spot any anomalies in his observations. He also began to write about the process of observation itself, including comments on the nature of the eye.

Caroline compiled his remarks on practical observation. After the move to Datchet in 1782, he began to train her even more into an "assistant-astronomer," responding to William's "imperious shout" whenever he wanted her to write down a new observation. She was expected to respond with military precision to his instructions, and her work was essential: "at no point would William have to compromise his night vision by looking at a lit page and taking his own notes." It was cold and demanding work. "They began at eleven at night, and often did not go to bed before dawn, in a mixed state of exhaustion and euphoria.... Herschel took to rubbing his face and hands with raw onions to keep out the cold.... Caroline layered herself in woollen petticoats."

There were also risks: In the harsh winter of 1783, William was almost blown off of the scaffolding that held his twenty-foot reflector, and the frame collapsed on him so that he had to be rescued from underneath it. In December of that year, Caroline was running to record one of William's observations, tripped on one of the stakes that held the guy ropes for the scaffolding, and impaled herself on the iron hook on top of the stake. It "entered my right leg about six inches above the knee," she wrote later, and the workmen couldn't remove her from the hook "without leaving near 2 oz. of my flesh behind." But they didn't call the doctor: She bandaged the wound herself and was back at work two weeks later. "It seems that the extreme cold had an antiseptic effect on the large, open wound, and prevented fatal gangrene." A week after the accident, Dr. James Lind inspected the wound and prescribed an ointment for it. (Lind was one of Shelley's favorite teachers at Eton.) Though the wound finally healed by summer, Caroline suffered pains from it in old age.

In 1784 and 1785, Herschel "drew together his most radical ideas about the cosmos, and published two revolutionary papers in the Royal Society's Philosophical Transactions." He challenged the idea of a firmly fixed cosmos, and from his study of nebulae "for the first time suggested that many, if not all, of these must be huge independent star clusters or galaxies outside our own Milky Way." As for the Milky Way, "his later calculations produced the now-familiar discus shape ... with its characteristic arms spinning out into space, and the slight bulge of stars at its centre." In "On the Construction of the Heavens," he made the radical observation that "The heavenly 'construction' was not something architecturally fixed by the Creator, but appeared to be constantly changing and even evolving, more like some enormous living organism." His assertions had the effect of "hugely increasing the sense of the actual size of the cosmos."

He began to plan the construction of a forty-foot telescope with a four-foot mirror. And in his 1785 paper for the first time credited Caroline in print as the discoverer of "a small 'associate nebula' in Andromeda."

Meanwhile, as the British were surging ahead in astronomy, the French were making their own advances -- in ballooning. Banks heard about what they were up to in 1783 from Benjamin Franklin, who was a member of the Royal Society as well as the American ambassador to France. The French, he reported, were experimenting with lofting giant paper bags made by a paper manufacturer, Joseph Montgolfier. And then a member of the Académie des Sciences, Alexandre Charles, took things a step further by inflating a silk bag, six feet in diameter, that floated from the Champs de Mars across the Seine and drifted fifteen miles away from Paris before it burst. "This was a distance which a horseman could barely a horseman could barely cover in an hour." Charles's balloon had been filled with a newly discovered gas known as "inflammable air."

Montgolfier recovered from Charles's triumph by sending up a hot-air balloon with a wicker basket that contained a sheep, a duck, and a cockerel. It stayed in the air for seven minutes and the animals returned to earth safely. The logical next step was to send up a human being. Banks was skeptical about the experiments but recognized that they could lead to something useful, such as a "flotation device" that would make carriages and wagons lighter so that horses could pull them faster. "This aptly suggests how difficult it was, even for a trained scientific mind like Banks's, to imagine the true possibilities of flight in those early days."

The "inflammable air" that Charles had used to fill his balloon had been discovered by the English chemists Henry Cavendish and Joseph Priestley. But it was the French chemist Anton Lavoisier who repeated and refined their experiments, producing the gas from iron filings combined with sulfuric acid. He named the product "hydrogen." The Montgolfier brothers, Joseph and Étienne, followed developments in chemistry because of their paper-making business, so when they heard about this lighter-than-air gas, they speculated about using it to fly paper bags. "As early as 1782, Joseph had humorously suggested the theoretical possibility of flying an entire French army into Gibraltar, and seizing it from the English."

The Montgolfiers' first manned flight
The trouble with hydrogen is that "it was slow and dangerous to produce, potentially explosive, and easily escaped from containers made of silk or animal bladders." Hot air was easy to produce and could be contained within silk and paper -- Joseph Montgolfier said he "discovered the principle of hot air by watching his wife's chemise inflating when she hung it over the hearth to dry." The Montgolfiers first large hot air balloon, launched on June 5, 1783, was thirty feet high and 110 feet in circumference. It contained 22,000 cubic feet of hot air, rose to 60,000 feet and stayed up for ten minutes.

A twenty-nine-year-old doctor named Jean-François Pilâtre de Rozier persuaded the Montgolfiers to let him be the "test pilot" in their first manned flight on November 21, 1783. The balloon was seventy feet tall, powered by a brazier burning straw, and had a circular gallery instead of a basket for the passengers. There had to be two of them, one on either side, to balance the balloon. Pilâtre de Rozier's "co-pilot" was the Marquis d'Arlandes, an infantry major. The flight lasted twenty-seven minutes and took them across the Seine.

The launch of Alexandre Charles's hydrogen balloon
But although this was the first manned flight for the record books, the one made ten days later by Alexandre Charles is more significant for its technical breakthroughs. It was a hydrogen balloon whose silk skin had been treated with rubber. It had a valve at the top of the balloon through which the gas could be vented, and ballast bags filled with sand that could be jettisoned to control the balloon's ascent. He and an assistant, M. Robert, went up from the Tuileries Gardens on December 1, 1783.  Benjamin Franklin watched the ascent through a telescope. The flight lasted two hours and traveled twenty-seven miles. When they landed, Charles asked Robert to get out of the basket first, but the release of his weight sent the balloon aloft again, traveling to 10,000 feet in just ten minutes. Charles kept his head, however, and made notes until it grew too cold for him to hold a pen. He slowly released the hydrogen and landed again in thirty-five minutes, only three miles from the original landing spot. "It was the first solo flight in history."

Back in Britain, George III expressed his interest in getting his country into ballooning. Banks was still unconvinced that the French achievements had any practical applications, but he was definitely intrigued. William Watson Jr. had seen one of the unmanned test flights before the Montgolfiers' first manned launch, and excitedly wrote to Herschel about it. Herschel immediately thought about the possibility of using balloons to carry telescopes high into the upper air. Others began to think of the sinister side of ballooning. The novelist Horace Walpole feared the conversion of balloons into "new engines of destruction to the human race."  Benjamin Franklin recognized the military potential of aircraft and calculated that five thousand balloons, each carrying two men, could result in an airborne invasion from France.

But by the summer of 1784, the balloon craze had spread to England. "Unmanned and then manned ascents took place in almost every large city in the kingdom -- London, Oxford, Cambridge, Bristol, Edinburgh." And a twenty-five-year-old Italian, Vincent Lunardi, began to capitalize on the British enthusiasm for balloons. He made his first ascent in London on September 15, 1784, with a crowd of 150,000 as witnesses. "Lunardi drifted north-westwards across London and into Hertfordshire, eating legs of chicken and drinking champagne, and occasionally trying to 'row' his balloon with a pair of aerial oars." But his balloon had no release valve, so he had to try to snag something on the ground with a grappling anchor to end his flight, which he did in a field just outside of Ware.

When he returned to London, "a curiously modern publicity machine began to roll. He sold exclusive rights to his story, and an in-depth interview, to the Morning Post." He was introduced to the king and given a watch by the Prince of Wales, souvenirs of his flight were marketed, and he became the toast of fashionable London. Banks, on the other hand, was unimpressed, and privately referred to Lunardi as "a charlatan." Samuel Johnson was also critical of the hype that surrounded Lunardi, even before the flight, pointing out that buying a ticket to the launch was foolish because "in less than a minute they who gaze at a mile's distance will see all that can be seen." He also expressed skepticism about Lunardi's claim that he would be able to steer the balloon with his oars -- and he was correct. As for ballooning in general, he pointed out that since it couldn't be steered effectively, a balloon failed to "serve any purpose of communication; and it can give no new intelligence of the state of the air at different heights, till they have ascended above the height of mountains, which they seem never likely to do."

Another sensation was caused by Lunardi in June 1785 when he proposed to take the actress Mrs. Sage, who was a rather large woman, and a young man named George Biggin aloft with him. Mrs. Sage was to be the "First Aerial female." But the weight of the three passengers and the elaborate and showy trappings that had been attached to the gondola proved too much for the balloon, so Lunardi jumped out, leaving the two passengers to conduct the flight themselves.
Unfortunately, in his haste to depart, Lunardi failed to do up the lacings of the gondola's door. As the balloon sailed away over Piccadilly, the crowd were treated to the provoking sight of the beautiful Mrs Sage on all fours in the open entrance of the gondola. The crowd assumed that she had fainted, and was perhaps receiving some kind of intimate first-aid from Mr Biggin. 
After Mrs. Sage's flight, cartoonists indulged in ribald speculation
In fact, Mrs. Sage was trying to lace up the door, but when she regained her feet, she stepped on the barometer and broke it, so there was no way to measure how high they flew. So they drifted on, eating cold chicken and drinking Italian sparkling wine, until they landed in a field near Harrow, where they were threatened by an angry farmer and had to be rescued from him by the schoolboys from Harrow School. Afterward, there was ribald speculation about what may have happened between Biggin and Mrs. Sage during the flight. "Gallantly, Mr Biggin refused to comment."

The lack of scientific value of Lunardi's flights became the subject of criticism, and his reputation suffered in 1785 when a young man, Ralph Heron, became entangled in the ropes during a launch at Newcastle, was carried a hundred feet into the air, and fell to his death.

Friday, September 10, 2010

23. Mason & Dixon, by Thomas Pynchon, pp. 733-773

Mason & Dixon: A NovelThree: Last Transit, 75-78
_____
Mason writes Dixon to tell him, "I am coming North a Mountain of suitable Gravity to seek, whose presum'd Influence might deflect a Plumb-line clearly enough to be measur'd without Ambiguity," adding a little dig about Maskelyne's "difficult History with Plumb-lines." He asks Dixon to recommend an inn, but Dixon insists that Mason stay with him.

"Mason finds Dixon still gloomy about the death of his Mother back in January," but they begin to reminisce. Mason tells him about how Maskelyne kept him on in Ulster longer than necessary and then brought him home on "a meat-ship" -- a vessel loaded with sheep carcasses. Eventually there comes a moment of unaccustomed tenderness between the old companions:
"Gave thee a rough time, didn't I, Friend." Reaching to rest his hand for a moment upon Dixon's Shoulder, before removing it again.
"Oh," Dixon nodding away at an Angle from any direct view of his Partner's Face, "as rough times go, ... the French were worse ...? The five Years of Mosquitoes, of course ..." The old Astronomers sit for a while in what might be called an Embrace, but that they forbear to touch. 
Dixon launches into an account of his stay at the North Cape of Norway, where he caught only glimpses of the transit. And then proceeds into a tall tale about his travels even further north, but to the inside of the world, where one of the inhabitants observes that people on the outside of the globe, "wherever you may stand, given the Convextity, each of you is slightly pointed away from everybody else, all the time, out into that Void that most of you seldom notice. Here in the Earth Concave, everyone is pointed at everyone else, -- ev'rybody's axes converge, -- forc'd at least thus to acknowledge one another, -- an entirely different set of rules for how to behave." Mason has his usual bemused reaction to Dixon's fabulations.

As they part, Mason asks, "If they don't kill and eat me up there, shall we do this again." Dixon replies, "We must count upon becoming old Geezers together." "They are looking directly at each other for the first time since either can remember."

In Scotland, in August 1773, Mason meets up with Samuel Johnson and James Boswell, who are "upon their famous Trip to the Hebrides," or so Cherrycoke claims, though Ives doubts that they passed within a hundred miles of each other. "'I had my Boswell, once,' Mason tells Boswell, 'Dixon and I. We had a joint Boswell. Preacher nam'd Cherrycoke. Scribbling ev'rything down, just like you, Sir.'" On his expedition, Mason locates the mountain called Schiehallion, but he declines to return to the mountain to make the measurements needed, so Maskelyne gets the credit for determining the mass of the Earth.

When Mason and Dixon meet again, Dixon is crippled by gout and Mason has rediscovered his old melancholy. They spend their time together fishing. Mason meets Dixon's mistress, Margaret Bland, whom he has always planned to marry "just before we go to America." They have two daughters, but "America now would never be more real than his Remembrance, which he must now take possession of, in whatever broken incompleteness, or lose forever." Mason tells Dixon that he has remarried and they have had a child, Charles Jr., and are expecting another.

While they are fishing one night, they're approached by a dog, a Norfolk terrier, who looks like the Learnèd Dog, though that was many years ago and this dog is "scarcely a year old." The dog follows them home, but never speaks. Margaret Bland asks what his name is. "'Fang,' says Mason. 'Learnèd,' says Dixon." Then one night, both of them have the same dream: The dog whispers to them, "I am a British Dog, and belong to no one, if not to the two of you. The next time you are together, so shall I be, with you." They take it as a sign that they'll see the dog when they get together next year.

But it is Mason, not Dixon, who emigrates to America, where Benjamin Franklin visits him on his deathbed. "His illness at the end was never stipulated. Yet 'tis possible, after all, down here, to die of Melancholy." Though he had five more boys and a girl, "he never put Rebekah to Earth." And he never really reconciled with his father, who claimed that Mason's son Doctor Isaac "was named after the Doctor who lost" Rebekah. Willy Mason tells his brother, "You are nam'd for Newton, whom Dad admires greatly," but Doctor Isaac remains unsure.

"When news reach'd Mason that Dixon had died, he went about for the rest of the Day as if himself stricken." He tells his sons stories about Dixon, and when he mentions Dixon's two daughters, Willy and Doc suspect him of matchmaking: "'Two Sons.... Two Daughters. And a Father wishing, as Fathers do, to be a Grand-Father." With Doc, Mason visits Dixon's grave, where "Mason beseech'd what dismally little he knew of God, to help Dixon through." When he is suddenly overcome, "'It's your Mate,' Doctor Isaac assur'd him, 'It's what happens when your Mate dies.'"

On his deathbed, Mason says to Franklin, "Sir, you have encounter'd Deists before, and know that our Bible is Nature, wherein the Pentateuch, is the Sky. I have found there, written ev'ry Night, in Astral Gematria, Messages of Great Urgency to ourTime, and to your Continent, Sir."

After Mason's death, "Mary would return to England with the younger Children, -- William and Dr. Isaac, Rebekah's Sons, would stay, and be Americans."

Friday, August 27, 2010

9. Mason & Dixon, by Thomas Pynchon, pp. 257-288

Mason & Dixon: A NovelTwo: America; 26-28
_____
Mason and Dixon arrive in Philadelphia, which Cherrycoke informs his audience was "second only to London, as the greatest of English speaking cities." It is mid-November and "a rousing Evangelist" has just visited the city, leaving a wave of religious enthusiasm behind him. "Even Quakers are out in the Street, bargaining with unexpected pugnacity, for a share of this Population suddenly turn'd into Christliness." Cherrycoke recalls when Whitefield visited and Philadelphia was "delirious with Psalms." This somehow turns the talk of his audience to music, and Ethelmer performs a song "the fellows sing at University": "To Anacreon in Heaven," noting a phrase that ascends "like a Sky-Rocket" and observing
"'Tis ever the sign of Revolutionary times, that Street-Airs become Hymns, and Roist'ring-Songs Anthems, -- just as Plato fear'd, -- hast heard the Negroe Musick, the flatted Fifths, the vocal portamenti, -- 'tis there sings your Revolution.... Is it not the very Rhythm of the Engines, the Clamor of the Mills, the Rock of the Oceans, the Roll of the Drums in the Night, why if one wish'd to give it a Name, --"
"Surf Music!" DePugh cries. 
Cherrycoke resumes his narrative with the encounter of Mason and Dixon with Benjamin Franklin in an apothecary where they have gone to order medicines for their journey into the wilderness. Franklin helps them stock up on laudanum and save money, too: "Strangers, heed my wise advice, -- Never pay the Retail Price." They then adjourn to Franklin's favorite pub, The Blue Jamaica, where, when Dixon goes to relieve himself, Franklin questions Mason about his partner's "Calvert connections," noting that the Jesuit Le Maire "is native to Durham and a particular friend of Dixon's teacher, William Emerson." Mason is shocked to infer that Franklin is asking him to spy on Dixon: "I am sorry the Politics here have become so, as one would say, Italian, in their intricacies."

Dixon returns, and when Mason exits for the same need, Franklin starts to work on Dixon about Mason's "East India Company Connections" and particularly Sam Peach, whose name Dixon feigns not to recognize: "One of thoase lads in The Beggar's Opera...?" Franklin fails in his mission to set the surveyors on each other, but introduces him to some women, Molly and Dolly, and invites them to hear him play the glass armonica at The Fair Anchor that evening. There they meet a Mr. Tallihoe of Virginia, who wants to arrange for them to visit Col. Washington.

So the next day they are off to Mount Vernon, where George Washington "turns out to be taller than Dixon, by about as much as Dixon rises over Mason." Washington is not "the incompetent Fool depicted in the London press, and he smiles when he hears Dixon's northern accent, "though owing to the state of his teeth he is reluctant to do so when in company, -- a smile from Col. Washington, however tentative, is said to be a mark of favor." He notes that he has relatives who talk the way Dixon does. Washington has surveyed the West himself, and they discuss the political and legal conflicts and pitfalls involved.

Washington calls for Gershom to bring them "some Pipes, and a Bowl of the new-cur'd Hemp. And another gallon of your magnificent Punch." Gershom is "An African servant with an ambiguous expression" whom Washington calls, quoting John 1:47, "an Israelite in whom there is no guile." Dixon takes mild offense: the Earl of Darlington used to call Dixon's great-uncle George, who was his steward, the same thing. But Gershom tells him not to take offense "about that Israelite talk" because he is "of the Hebrew faith." And he bends his head to display his yarmulke. When Washington asks for some hog jowls, Mason is surprised that Gershom should be asked to serve pork, but Gershom says "the Sect I belong to, is concern'd scarce at all with Dietary Rules." And Washington observes, "Yet if a Jew cooking pork is a Marvel, what of a Negroe, working a Room?" Gershom, he explains, is a stand-up comedian working "a circuit of Coaching-inns" and earning "an income per annum which creeps dangerously close to that of his nominal Master, me."

Martha Washington, "a diminutive woman with a cheerful rather than happy air, who seems to bustle even when standing still," joins them. Mason and Dixon divide their attention between the Washingtons, Mason discussing astronomy with Martha while Dixon talks with Washington about the history of the Ohio Company, in which Washington's brothers are investors. Washington talks about the expedition of Céléron de Bienville in the Ohio Valley, in which he buried lead plates to mark the claim of the French to the territory. This attracts Mason's attention too, and there is much discussion about the electrical possibilities of lead plates. Washington says he dug up a few, and when Dixon sees them he is startled to see markings in Chinese on them. Washington then grows suspicious of Dixon and asks him for the Masonic password, which Dixon fortunately has learned. Washington is put at ease, and explains that Jesuits from Quebec sometimes show up "to work some mischief down here -- so a fellow has to be extra vigilant, is all."

Later, Franklin explains that the Jesuits are believed to have a form of telegraphy that involves balloons and mirrors, and that there are Telegraph Squads composed of "elite teams of converted Chinese... The Sino-Jesuit conjunction may prove a greater threat to Christendom than ever the Mongols or the Moors. Pray that more than the Quarrel over Feng Shui divides them."